4 

*r  '  1          w  101 


U.C.  BERKELEY  LIBRARIES 


tv 


AGAINST 


FREE    GOVERNMENT 

NOT  A  RIGHT  BUT  A  CRIME. 


AN   ADDRESS 

BY 

JOSEPH  P.  THOMPSON,  D.D., 

DELIVERED   BEFORE 

THE    TJEflON    LEAGUE    CLUB, 

AND  PUBLISHED  AT  THEIR  REQUEST. 


CLUB-HOUSE,      UNION      SQUARE, 
No.  26  East  ScTenteentli  St. 

1864 


University  of  California  •  Berkeley 


REVOLUTION 


AGAINST 


FREE    GOVERNMENT 

NOT  A  RIGHT  BUT  A  CRIME. 


AN   ADDRESS 


JOSEPH  P.   THOMPSON,  D.D., 

DELIVERED   BEFORE 

THE  UNION  LEAGUE  CLUB, 

AND   PUBLISHED   AT   THEIR   REQUEST. 


CLUB-HOUSE,      UNION      SQUARE, 

No.   26  East  Seventeenth   St. 

1864. 


C.  A.  ALVOED, 

SXEKKOTYI'KK   AND   PRINTEK. 


UNION  LEAGUE  CLUB, 

26  EAST  SEVENTEENTH  STREET,  March  15,  1864. 
REV.  JOSEPH  P.  THOMPSON,  D.D. : 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  be  the  medium  of  com- 
municating to  you  the  action  of  the  Union  League  Club,  at  their  last 
monthly  meeting,  after  the  delivery  of  your  eloquent  address. 
The  following  resolutions  were  unanimously  adopted  : 
"  Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  the  Union  League  Club  be  tendered  to 
"the  Rev.  Joseph  P.  Thompson,  D.D.,  for  his  lucid  and  eloquent  exposition 
"  of  the  rights  of  man  and  the  principles  of  Free  Governments,  and  of  the 
"  turpitude  of  armed  rebellion  against  a  Government  so  just  and  beneficent 
"  as  that  under  which  we  live. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  Rev.  Dr.  Thompson  be  requested  by  the  Secretary 
"to  furnish  the  Club  with  a  copy  of  his  discourse,  for  publication  by  the 
"Club." 

Indulging  the  hope,  in  common  with  those  who  enjoyed  the  privilege 
of  hearing  your  address,  that  the  request  of  the  Club  will  be  granted, 
I  am,  Rev.  and  dear  Sir, 

Yours  truly, 

OTIS  D.  SWAN,  Secretary. 


32  WEST  THIRTY-SIXTH  STREET,  March  21,  1864. 
MR.  OTIS  D.  SWAN,  Secretary  Union  League  Club : 

DEAR  SIR: — Your  favor  of  the  15th,  communicating  the  request  of  the 
Union  League  Club  for  the  publication  of  my  address  on  Revolution,  is 
gratefully  acknowledged.  I  shall  be  happy  to  place  the  manuscript  at 
their  disposal  as  soon  as  I  can  prepare  it  for  the  press.  Be  pleased  to 
express  to  the  Club  my  thanks  for  their  courteous  reception  and  their 
complimentary  resolution ;  and  accept  for  yourself  my  acknowledgment 
of  the  handsome  manner  in  which  you  have  conveyed  to  me  their  action. 
I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Yery  respectfully, 

Jos.  P.  THOMPSON. 


DEVOLUTION  AGAINST  FREE  GOVERNMENT 
NOT  A  RIGHT  BUT  A  CRIME, 


THE    QUESTION    FUNDAMENTAL. 

THE  war  is  schooling  the  nation  in  the  principles  that 
must  hereafter  secure  the  peaceable  administration  of  its 
affairs.  A  government  based  upon  the  broadest  doctrine 
of  human  rights,  and  framed  in  the  soundest  principles 
of  political  philosophy,  is  assailed  not  in  its  methods  or 
measures,  but  at  its  foundation.  The  mine  of  the  con- 
spirators was  sprung  under  the  arches  upon  which  the 
whole  fabric  rests,  and  the  ground  trembles  and  the 
walls  and  pillars  vibrate  with  the  concussion.  To  reas- 
sure ourselves  that  the  Constitution,  the  Union,  the 
Government  will  stand,  we  must  go  down  and  explore 
the  foundations — to  see  whether  any  accepted  principle 
has  been  dislodged ;  any  pillar  shaken  out  of  place  ;  any 
arch  or  beam  is  cracked  and  ready  to  fall.  The  scrutiny 
may  be  anxious  and  severe ;  but  the  process  is  salutary 
and  the  result  certain.  It  is  to-day  as  Eichard  Hooker 
wrote  two  centuries  ago  :  "  The  stateliness  of  houses,  the 
goodliness  of  trees,  when  we  behold  them,  delighteth  the 
eye:  but  that  foundation  which  beareth  up  the  one,  that 
root  which  ministereth  unto  the  other  nourishment  and 
life,  is  in  the  bosom  of  the  earth  concealed ;  and  if  there 
be  at  any  time  occasion  to  search  into  it,  such  labor  is 


6  PE  VOL  UTION  A  GAINST  FREE   G  0  VERNHENT 

then  more  necessary  than  pleasant,  botli  to  them  which 
undertake  it  and  for  the  lookers-on.  In  like  manner,  the 
use  and  benefit  of  good  laws,  all  that  live  under  them 
may  enjoy  with  delight  and  comfort ;  albeit  the  grounds 
and  first  original  causes  from  which  they  have  sprung 
be  unknown,  as  to  the  greatest  part  of  men  they  are. 
But  when  they  who  withdraw  their  obedience,  pretend 
that  the  laws  which  they  should  obey  are  corrupt  and 
vicious ;  for  better  examination  of  their  quality,  it  be- 
hooveth  the  very  foundation  and  root,  the  highest  well- 
spring  and  fountain  of  them,  to  be  discovered.  Which, 
because  we  are  not  oftentimes  accustomed  to  do,  when 
we  do  it,  the  pains  we  take  are  more  needful  a  great  deal 
than  acceptable."* 

Eather  would  I  say  they  are  then  acceptable  because 
they  are  needful.  Needful  all  the  pains  and  cost  of  war ; 
needful  all  the  toil  of  thought,  by  speech  and  pen  inter- 
preting the  lessons  of  the  war  and  shaping  its  results ; 
needful  that  brain  and  blood  should  together  work  out 
the  great  issue  of  the  conflict,  by  force  of  ideas  no  less 
than  by  the  victory  of  the  sword.  For,  that  which  we 
must  needs  determine  now,  is  not  only  that  this  Free 
Government  has  the  physical  strength  to  stand,  but  that 
it  stands  upon  what  is  itself  settled  and  stable,  because 
right  and  true.  This  is  the  issue  raised  by  the  rebellion, 
which  would  displace  Liberty  for  ^Slavery  as  the  corner- 
stone of  political  society,  and  would  subvert  the  Kepub- 
lic  by  pleading  against  it  that  very  right  of  revolution 
by  which  we  won  our  place  as  a  nation. 

CALHOUN  THE  AUTHOR  OF  THE  REBELLION. 

This  issue  of  ideas — like  every  conflict  of  principle — 
is  historical.  Hardly  was  American  independence 

*  Eccl.  Polity,  B.  i.  c.  1. 


NOT  A   EIGHT  BUT  A    CRIME.  Y 

achieved,  when  there  began  to  appear  symptoms  of  reac- 
tion against  republican  institutions ;  and  while  schemes 
for  reviving  an  aristocracy  were  nipped  in  the  bud,  a 
system  of  social  despotism  was  suffered  to  root  itself  in  a 
soil  consecrated  to  liberty.  Jefferson  tells  us  that  when 
the  air  breathed  suspicions  of  monarchists  in  the  first 
cabinet,  Washington  said  to  him  "  that  he  considered 
our  Constitution  an  experiment  on  the  practicability  of 
republican  government,  and  with  what  dose  of  liberty 
man  could  be  trusted  for  his  own  good ;  that  he  was  de- 
termined the  experiment  should  have  a  fair  trial,  and 
would  lose  the  last  drop  of  his  blood  in  support  of  it."* 
Scarce  half  a  century  had  elapsed  when  the  doctrine 
that  liberty  is  an  inalienable  birthright  of  man  from  the 
Creator,  was  denounced  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  as  "  the  most  false  and  dangerous  of  all  political 
errors."  In  his  speech  of  June  27,  1848,  on  the  Oregon 
Bill,  Mr.  Calhoun  declared  his  conviction  of  the  folly 
and  danger  of  "  admitting  so  great  an  error  to  have  a 
place  in  our  Declaration  of  Independence,"  and  went  so 
far  as  to  forebode  the  destruction  of  our  Union  and  sys- 
tem of  government  as  the  legitimate  result  of  this  grave 
fundamental  error,  f  To  counteract  what  Washington 

*  Jefferson's  "Works,  vi.  288. 

f  "  Let  me  say,  Senators,  if  our  Union  and  system  of  government  are 
doomed  to  perish,  and  we  to  share  the  fate  of  so  many  great  people  who 
have  gone  before  us,  the  historian  who,  in  some  future  day,  may  record 
the  events  ending  in  so  calamitous  a  result,  will  devote  his  first  chapter 
to  the  ordinance  of  1787,  lauded  as  it  and  its  authors  have  been,  as  the 
first  of  that  series  which  led  to  it.  His  next  chapter  will  be  devoted  to 
the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  the  next  to  the  present  agitation.  *  *  *  If 
he  should  possess  a  philosophical  turn  of  mind,  and  be  disposed  to  look  to 
more  remote  and  recondite  causes,  he  will  trace  it  to  a  proposition  which 
originated  in  a  hypothetical  truism,  but  which,  as  now  expressed  and  now 
understood,  is  the  most  false  and  dangerous  of  aU  political  errors."  Mr. 


S  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  FREE  GOVERNMENT 

styled  a  large  dose  of  liberty,  Calhoun  and  his  school  of 
practitioners  began  to  experiment  with  what  dose  of 
Slavery  a  republican  people  could  be  plied  without 
wincing  or  retching.  And  with  every  dose  the  threat 
was,  Take  this  or  die ; — Slave-rule  or  Dissolution. 

Twenty -five  years  ago  this  rebellion  was  distinctly  pro- 
claimed by  Calhoun  in  the  Senate.  "God  forbid/' said 
he,  "I  should  ever  deny  the  glorious  right  of  rebellion 
and  revolution.  Should  corruption  and  oppression  be- 
come intolerable,  and  not  otherwise  be  thrown  off — if 
liberty  must  perish,  or  the  government  be  overthrown,  I 
would  not  hesitate,  at  the  hazard  of  life,  to  resort  to  revo- 
lution, and  to  tear  down  a  corrupt  government  that  could 
neither  be  reformed  nor  borne  by  freemen."*  This  sounds 
like  the  assertion  of  a  grand  right  of  oppressed  humanity, 
a  heroic  self-sacrifice  for  liberty,  an  echo  of  the  very  Dec- 
laration he  had  despised ;  but  when  we  inquire  what  is 
the  liberty  for  which  Calhoun  would  attempt  a  revolu- 
tion, we  find  it  the  liberty  to  have  property  in  man,  with- 
out encroachment  from  Northern  opinion  or  restriction 
from  territorial  legislation.  When  we  ask  what  are  the 
oppressions  against  which  he  would  revolt,  he  tells  us 
that  all  attempts  to  disturb  or  question  the  right  to  hold 
slaves  as  property,  "  with  the  view  to  its  subversion,  are 
direct  and  dangerous  outrages ;"  and  he  appeals  to  the 
South  to  resist  such  outrages  by  force  of  arms.t 


Calhoun  then  denounces  the  popular  saying,  "  all  men  are  born  free  and 
equal,"  and  adds  that  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  "  the  form  of 
expression,  though  less  dangerous,  is  not  less  erroneous"  (Works,  iv.  506-8.) 

*  Works,  ii.  615.     Speech  of  Jan.  bth    on  Michigan. 

f  Vol.  iv.  529  and  vol.  iii.  443. 

In  his  speech  of  Aug.  12,  1849,  upon  the  Missouri  Compromise  Line, 
Mr.  Calhoun  denounced  the  North  because  of  the  abolition  agitation,  pre- 
dicted the  triumph  of  abolitionism  in  some  future  Presidential  election, 


NOT  A   RIGHT  BUT  A    CRIME.  9 

Here,  then,  we  may  study  the  rebellion  in  its  root  and 
principle.  The  whole  case  lies  in  this  nutshell — Wash- 
ington willing  to  shed  the  last  drop  of  his  blood  for  the 
National  Constitution  as  an  instrument  of  freedom,  Cal- 
houn  ready  to  overthrow  that  Constitution  by  rebellion 
unless  he  could  use  it,  without  restraint  or  protest,  for 
the  defence  and  conservation  of  human  slavery. 

For  a  time,  Liberty  itself  trembled  within  the  sacred 
ark  to  which  the  fathers  had  committed  it.  For,  in  the 

and  declared  that  "nothing  short  of  the  united  and  fixed  determination  of 
the  South  to  maintain  her  rights  at  every  hazard,  could  stop  it." 

"  If  I  am  right,"  said  he,  "  the  South  is  under  solemn  obligation,  both  to 
herself  and  to  the  rest  of  the  Union,  to  rally  and  take  the  remedy  in  her 
own  hands,  and  that  speedily,  as  the  only  possible  mode  to  bring  the 
North  to  pause  and  reflect  on  consequences,  if,  indeed,  it  be  not  already 
too  late  for  that ;  and  if,  unfortunately,  it  should  prove  to  be  so,  to  save 
hernelf."  (iv.  p.  530.) 

In  his  speech  on  the  Slavery  Question,  March  4th,  1850,  Mr.  Calhoun 
insisted  that  the  North  should  appease  the  South  by  opening  new  terri- 
tory to  slave  emigration,  by  ceasing  to  agitate  the  slave  question,  and  by 
so  amending  the  Constitution  that  the  South  could  have  the  power  of  pro- 
tecting herself  against  the  preponderance  of  Northern  States.  Such,  in 
his  view,  would  be  a  just  settlement  of  sectional  questions.  But,  said  he, 
"  if  you  who  represent  the  stronger  portion  cannot  agree  to  settle  them  on 
the  broad  principle  of  justice  and  duty,  say  so;  and  let  the  States  we  both 
represent  agree  to  separate  and  part  in  peace.  If  you  are  unwilling  we 
should  part  in  peace,  tell  us  so,  and  we  shall  know  what  to  do,  when  you 
reduce  the  question  to  submission  or  resistance."  (Works,  iv.  573.) 

In  his  speech  of  Dec.  27,  1837,  upon  the  Rights  of  the  States,  Mr.  Cal- 
houn distinctly  avowed  the  right  of  State  rebellion  against  the  General 
Government. 

"The  only  remedy  is  in  the  States'  Rights  doctrines;  and,  if  those  who 
profess  them  in  slaveholding  States  do  not  rally  on  them  as  their  political 
creed,  and  organize  as  a  party  against  the  fanatics,  in  order  to  put  them 
down,  the  South  and  West  will  be  compelled  to  take  the  remedy  into 
their  own  hands.  They  will  then  stand  justified  in  the  sight  of  God  and 
man;  and  what,  in  that  event,  will  follow,  no  mortal  can  anticipate." 
(Yol.  iii.  155.) 

The  South  "  had  no  fears  for  herself.     She  was  full  of  resources,  and 
would,  he  trusted,  be  prepared  to  meet  the  crisis  whenever  forced  on  her 
by  the  injustice  or  insults  of  the  other  portion  of  the  Union."     (iii.  195.) 
13* 


10  REVOLUTION  AGAIXST  FREE  GOVERNMENT 

rising  flood  of  Southern  domination,  Liberty,  as  Coleridge 
said  of  Burke,  was  "  shut  up,  as  it  were,  in  a  Noah's  ark, 
with  very  few  men,  and  a  great  many  beasts."  The  dan- 
ger was  that  brute  force  and  bloody  threats  would  gain 
the  mastery  over  liberty  and  law,  over  justice  and  virtue. 
Restrained  at  last  in  its  encroachments  upon  the  Consti- 
tution, the  Slave-power  broke  forth,  as  Calhoun  had 
threatened,  in  insurrection  against  the  Constitution  and 
the  Union,  and  taking  their  cue  from  the  master-spirit  of 

In  his  speech  on  the  Abolition  Petitions,  March  9,  1836.  Mr.  Calhoun 
insisted  that  the  Senate  should  deny  a  hearing  to  such  petitions. 

"  But  if,"  said  he,  "instead  of  closing  the  door — if,  instead  of  denying 
all  jurisdiction  and  all  interference  in  this  question,  the  doors  of  Congress 
are  to  be  thrown  open ;  and  if  we  are  to  be  exposed  here,  in  the  heart  of 
the  Union,  to  endless  attacks  on  our  rights,  our  character,  and  our  institu- 
tions ;  if  the  other  States  are  to  stand  and  look  on  without  attempting  to 
suppress  these  attacks  originating  within  their  borders,  and,  finally,  if  this 
is  to  be  our  fixed  and  permanent  condition,  as  members  of  this  Confeder- 
acy, we  will  then  be  compelled  to  turn  our  eyes  on  ourselves.  Corne 
what  will,  should  it  cost  every  drop  of  blood,  and  every  cent  of  property, 
we  must  defend  ourselves;  and  if  compelled,  we  would  stand  justified  by 
all  laws,  human  and  divine."  (ii.  488.) 

In  his  speech  on  State  Rights,  Feb.  20,  1833,  Mr.  C.  said,  "the  right  of 
the  States  to  judge  of  the  extent  of  their  reserved  powers  stands  on  the 
most  solid  foundation,  and  is  good  against  every  department  of  the  Gene- 
ral Government ;  and  the  judiciary  is  as  much  excluded  from  an  inter- 
ference with  the  reserved  powers  as  the  legislative  or  executive  depart- 
ments." (Vol.  ii.  298.) 

In  his  speech  of  April  12,  1836,  on  "  Suppressing  Incendiary  Publica- 
tions," Mr.  Calhoun  took  the  ground  that  in  matters  concerning  State  in- 
stitutions and  policy,  the  laws  of  the  General  Government  must  yield  to 
State  laws: — "the  low  must  yield  to  the  high  ;  the  convenient  to  the  ne- 
cessary ;  mere  accommodation  to  safety  and  security."  He  warns  the 
Senate  that  they  will  become  abettors  of  Abolitionists. 

"  Should  such  be  your  decision,  by  refusing  to  pass  this  bill,  I  shall  say 
to  the  people  of  the  South,  Look  to  yourselves — you  have  nothing  to  hope 
from  others.  But  I  must  tell  the  Senate,  be  your  decision  what  it  may, 
the  South  will  never  abandon  the  principles  of  this  bill.  If  you  refuse 
co-operation  with  our  laws,  and  conflict  should  ensue  between  yours  and 
ours,  the  Southern  States  will  never  yield  to  the  superiority  of  yours.  "VVe 
have  a  remedy  in  our  hands,  which  in  such  event  we  shall  not  fail  to  apply. 


NOT  A  RIG  PIT  BUT  A   CRIME.  H 

nullification,  the  leaders  of  the  rebellion  assert  before  the 
world  their  right  of  revolution,  pleading  the  precedent  of 
our  national  origin.  The  declaration  lately  put  forth  by 
the  Congress  at  Kichmond  avows  that  the  protection  of 
slave  property  was  the  motive  of  the  rebellion  ;  that  the 
preservation  of  the  relations  of  labor  and  capital  created 
by  Slavery  is  the  object  of  the  Kebel  Confederacy ;  for 
which,  says  the  Congress,  "  we  fell  back  upon  the  right 
for  which  the  colonies  maintained  the  war  of  the  Kevo- 

We  have  high  authority  for  asserting  that,  in  such  cases,  '  State  interpo- 
sition is  the  rightful  remedy' — a  doctrine  first  announced  by  Jefferson — 
adopted  by  the  patriotic  and  republican  State  of  Kentucky,  by  a  solemn 
resolution,  in  '98,  and  finally  carried  out  into  successful  practice  on  a  re- 
cent occasion,  ever  to  be  remembered,  by  the  gallant  State  which  I  in  part 
have  the  honor  to  represent.  In  this  well-tested  and  efficient  remedy, 
sustained  by  the  principles  developed  in  the  report,  and  asserted  in  this 
bill,  the  slaveholding  States  have  an  ample  protection.  Let  it  be  fixed — 
let  it  be  riveted  in  every  Southern  mind — that  the  laws  of  the  slaveholding 
States  for  the  protection  of  their  domestic  institutions  are  paramount  to 
the  laws  of  the  General  Government  in  regulation  of  commerce  and  the 
mail;  that  the  latter  must  yield  to  the  former  in  the  event  of  conflict;  and 
that  if  the  Government  should  refuse  to  yield,  the  States  have  a  right  to 
interpose,  and  we  are  safe.  With  these  principles,  nothing  but  concert 
would  be  wanting  to  bid  defiance  to  the  movements  of  the  abolitionists, 
whether  at  home  or  abroad  ;  and  to  place  our  domestic  institutions,  and 
with  them  our  security  and  peace,  under  our  own  protection,  and  beyond 
the  reach  of  danger."  (Vol.  ii.  532,  533.) 

In  his  Remarks  on  the  Slave  Question,  Feb.  19,  1847,  Mr.  Calhoun. 
insisting  upon  the  right  of  Southerners  "to  emigrate  with  their  [slave] 
property  to  the  territories  of  the  United  States,"  uttered  this  threat: 

"  Well,  sir,  what  if  the  decision  of  this  body  shall  deny  to  us  this  high 
constitutional  right,  not  the  less  clear  because  deduced  from  the  entire 
body  of  the  instrument,  and  the  nature  of  the  subject  to  which  it  relates, 
instead  of  being  specially  provided  for  ?  What  then  ?  I  will  not  under- 
take to  decide.  It  is  a  question  for  our  constituents,  the  slaveholding 
States — a  solemn  and  a  grave  question.  If  the  decision  should  be  adverse, 
I  trust  and  do  believe  that  they  will  take  under  solemn  consideration 
what  they  ought  to  do.  I  give  no  advice.  It  would  be  hazardous  and 
dangerous  for  me  to  do  so.  But  I  may  speak  as  an  individual  member  of 
that  section  of  the  Union.  There  is  my  family  and  connections ;  there  I 
drew  my  first  breath ;  there  are  all  my  hopes.  I  am  a  planter — a  cotton 


12  REVOL  UTION  A  GAINST  FREE  G  0  VERNMENT 

lution,  and  which  our  heroic  forefathers  asserted  to  be 
clear  and  inalienable."* 

EARL    RUSSELL'S    SOPHISM, 

This  plea  finds  favor  in  high  quarters  abroad ;  and  its 
speciousness  has  served  to  cover  the  intrinsic  atrocity  of 
the  Southern  rebellion.  Earl  Russell,  in  his  speech  at 
Blairgowrie,  on  the  26th  of  September,  1863,  alluded  in 
these  terms  to  political  rebellion  as  an  established  prece- 
dent in  the  English  theory  of  the  State.  He  says  of  Mr. 
Sumner :  "  I  cannot  but  wonder  that  this  man,  the  off- 
spring of  three,  as  we  are  of  two  rebellions,  should  be 
speaking  like  the  Czar  of  Russia  or  Louis  XIV.  of  the 
dreadful  guilt  of  the  crime  of  rebellion.  I  recollect  that 
we  rebelled  against  Charles  I.,  against  James  II.,  and 
that  the  people  of  New  England,  not  content  with  these, 
rebelled  against  George  III.  I  do  not  say  now  whether 
all  these  were  justifiable  or  wrong.  I  do  not  say  whether 
the  rebellion  of  the  Southern  States  is  a  justifiable  insur- 
rection— whether  it  is  a  great  fact  or  a  great  crime — but 

planter.  I  am  a  southern  man  and  a  slaveholder — a  kind  and  a  merciful 
one,  I  trust — and  none  the  worse  for  being  a  slaveholder.  I  say,  for  one, 
I  would  rather  meet  any  extremity  upon  earth  than  give  up  one  inch  of 
our  equality — one  inch  of  what  belongs  to  us  as  members  of  this  great  re- 
public !  What!  acknowledged  inferiority!  The  surrender  of  life  is  nothing 
to  sinking  down  into  acknowledged  inferiority,  (iv.  347.) 

"The  day  that  the  balance  between  the  slaveholding  States  and  the 
non-slaveholding  States  is  destroyed,  is  a  day  that  will  not  be  far  removed 
from  political  revolution,  anarchy,  civil  war,  and  wide-spread  disaster." 
(Vol.  iii.  343.) 

*  "  Compelled  by  a  long  series  of  oppressive  and  tyrannical  acts,  culmi- 
nating at  last  in  the  selection  of  a  President  and  Vice-President  by  a  party 
confessedly  sectional,  and  hostile  to  the  South  and  her  institutions,  these 
States  withdrew  from  the  former  Union,  and  formed  a  new  Confederate 
alliance,  as  an  independent  Government,  based  on  the  proper  relations  of 
labor  and  capital. 

"  This  step  was  taken  reluctantly,  by  constraint,  and  after  the  exhaus- 
tion of  every  measure  that  was  likely  to  secure  us  from  interference  with 


NOT  A  EIGHT  BUT  A   CRIME.  13 

I  state  the  mere  fact,  that  a  rebellion  is  not  in  itself  a 
crime  of  so  deep  a  dye  as  to  cause  us  to  renounce  our 
relations  with  people  guilty  of  rebellion. " 

This  seemed  so  clever  a  hit  at  Mr.  Sumner  that  Lord 
John's  auditors  accepted  it  with  much  applause,  as  the 
end  of  argument.  Yet  it  is  simply  a  play  upon  words — 
and  begs  the  question  as  to  principles.  Indeed,  nothing 
could  be  more  shallow  than  the  assumption  upon  which 
Earl  Kussell's  reasoning  rests,  and  nothing  more  hostile 
to  the  well-being  of  society  than  the  conclusion  toward 
which  it  points.  The  right  of  armed  resistance  to  gov- 
ernment— call  it  rebellion  or  revolution — is  not  a  naked 
abstract  right,  lodged  within  the  political  structure  as  a 
corrective  power,  to  be  invoked  at  pleasure ;  it  is  at  best 
a  qualified  and  conditional  right,  and  can  exist  only  in 
extreme  cases  of  justifying  circumstances.  We  cannot 
say,  "  A  rebellion  is  a  rebellion ;"  or,  "  Our  fathers  rebelled, 
therefore  may  we  ;"  for,  the  conditions  failing,  that  which 
was  made  to  them  a  right  may  be  in  us  a  crime. 

MR.    JEFFERSON'S    FALLACIES. 

The  loose  popular  notion  that  revolution  is  a  fixed 
right  in  society  may  be  traced  to  a  fallacy  of  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son, which  is  so  transparent  that  it  needs  only  to  be 
stated  to  refute  itself.  "  The  earth,"  says  Jefferson,  "be- 
longs always  to  the  living  generation ;  they  may  manage 
it,  then,  and  what  proceeds  from  it,  as  they  please,  during 

our  property;  equality  in  the  Union,  or  exemption  from  submission  to  an 
alien  government.  The  Southern  States  claimed  only  the  unrestricted  en- 
joyment of  the  rights  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution.  Finding,  by  pain- 
ful and  protracted  experience,  that  this  was  persistently  denied,  we  deter- 
mined to  separate  from  those  enemies,  who  had  manifested  the  inclination 
and  ability  to  impoverish  and  destroy  us;  we  fell  back  upon  the  right  for 
which  the  colonies  maintained  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  and  which  our 
heroic  forefathers  asserted" to  be  clear  and  inalienable." 


14:  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  FREE   GOVERNMENT 

their  usufruct.  They  are  masters,  too,  of  their  own 
persons,  and  consequently  may  govern  them  as  they 
please.  But  persons  and  property  make  the  sum  of  the 
objects  of  government.  The  constitution  and  the  laws 
of  their  predecessors  are  extinguished  then,  in  their 
natural  course,  with  those*  whose  will  gave  them  being. 
This  [will]  could  preserve  that  being  till  it  ceased  to  be 
itself,  and  no  longer.  Every  constitution,  then,  and  every 
law,  naturally  expires  at  the  end  of  thirty-four  years.  If  it 
be  enforced  longer,  it  is  an  act  of  force,  and  not  of  right."* 

Perhaps  it  is  enough  to  say  of  this  astounding  theory, 
that  it  was  written  in  Paris,  in  1789  ;  it  is  French  Direc- 
tory liberty,  the  liberty  of  the  barricade  supported  by 
the  guillotine,  not  Anglo-Saxon  liberty,  founded  in  insti- 
tutions and  girt  about  with  law.  The  theory  contains  a 
threefold  fallacy.  1.  It  ignores  the  fact  that  men  of 
different  generations  are  always  mingled  together,  con- 
temporaneously profiting  by  each  other's  labors  ;  so  that 
it  is  impossible  to  mark  the  term  where  one  generation 
begins  and  another  ends.  Vital  statistics  have  averaged 
this  at  thirty-three  years ;  but  the  curtain  does  not  fall 
upon  the  stage  of  life  three  times  in  a  century,  that  the 
earth  may  be  cleared  of  one  generation  and  another  may 
appear.  Generations  do  not  march  on  and  off  the  stage 
in  platoons ;  men  are  born  and  grow  ;  and  hence,  as  Sir 
James  Mackintosh  has  aptly  said,  "  governments  are  not 
made,  but  grow." 

2.  Again,  Jefferson's  theory  makes  no  account  of  prin- 
ciples as  entering  into  the  constitution  of  society  and  of 
government — ethical  principles,  that  have  a  permanent 
^life,  and  that  one  generation  plants  with  toil  and  blood 
for  its  successors.  No  after  generation  has  a  right  to  dis- 

*  Works,  vol.  iii.  10G.     Letter  to  Madisou. 


NOT  A  EIGHT  BUT  A   CRIME.  15 

card  these,  and  so  deprive  its  posterity  of  the  fruits  of  the 
Past.  Under  no  pretext  can  we  surrender  the  rights  of 
free  speech,  a  free  press,  a  free  conscience,  which  we  hold 
as  a  heritage  from  the  Past  in  trust  for  the  Future. 

3.  And  hence,  thirdly,  the  theory  overlooks  the  fact 
that  human  society  is  organic,  and  exists  in  continuity, 
with  certain  great,  uniform,  transmissible  and  indefeasi- 
ble interests. 

Yet  so  possessed  was  Mr.  Jeiferson  with  his  Parisian 
theory,  that  he  would  even  provide  for  periodical  revolu- 
tion as  a  healthy  agitation  of  society.  Alluding  to  the 
Massachusetts  insurrection,  he  says  :  "  The  late  rebellion 
in  Massachusetts  has  given  more  alarm  than  I  think  it 
should  have  done.  Calculate  that  one  rebellion  in  thir- 
teen States,  in  the  course  of  eleven  years,  is  but  one  for 
each  State  in  a  century  and  a  half.  No  country  should 
be  so  long  without  a  revolution."*  And  to  carry  out 
these  notions  in  practice,  Jefferson  would  provide  in  the 
social  organism  itself  that  "  each  generation,  at  intervals 
of  twenty  years,  should  solemnly  revise  its  government, 
or  choose  for  itself  the  form  of  government  it  believes 
most  promotive  of  its  own  happiness;"  since,  without 
this  periodical  repairing  of  the  whole  political  structure, 
"  men  will  go  on  in  the  endless  circle  of  oppression, 
rebellion,  and  reformation." 

But  Mr.  Jefferson's  philosophy  of  rebellion  is  as  falla- 
cious as  are  Earl  Russell's  historical  parallels.  That  state 
of  affairs  upon  which  the  right  of  revolution  is  grounded, 
being  itself  conditional,  may  not  only  fail  to  recur  in 
every  thirty,  or  hundred,  or  two  hundred  years — but, 
through  the  improved  organization  of  political  society, 
may  cease  ever  again  to  be  possible;  and  its  justifying 

*  Vol.  ii.  331. 


1 6  RE  VOL  UTION  A  GAINST  FREE   G  0  VERNMENT 

conditions  being  precluded  by  the  social  constitution 
itself,  the  right  would  thenceforth  determine,  and  could 
not  be  revived  by  appeals  to  precedent. 


THE    QUESTION    DEFINED. 

Every  plea  for  revolution  assumes  the  improvableness 
of  human  society;  it  is  for  bettering  man's  condition. 
But  how  much  is  society  bettered,  if,  by  the  very  theory 
of  its  improvement,  it  must  always  be  liable  to  a  violent 
overturning  ?  if  the  background  of  the  social  order  is  not 
reason  and  moral  right,  but  physical  force  ?  if  the  state, 
when  founded  in  sound  ethical  principles,  and  constituted 
for  the  highest  welfare  of  society,  must  still  harbor  with- 
in its  bosom  the  explosive  force  of  revolution  ?  For  to 
assert  a  permanent  right  of  revolution  against  any  and 
every  form  of  political  organization,  is  practically  to  gov- 
ern human  society  by  force,  or  by  dread  of  force,  till  the 
end  of  time.  Yet  progressive  revolutionists,  of  whatever 
creed,  believe  in  the  perfectibility  of  human  society,  and 
make  the  perfection  of  the  social  state  their  ultimate  end. 
This  I  too  accept,  both  as  a  political  creed  and  as  a  prac- 
tical aim ;  and  in  denying  any  farther  right  of  revolution 
under  a  specific  form  of  political  organization,  I  do  but 
declare  a  broader  faith  in  certain  ultimate  truths  of  po- 
litical ethics,  and  in  certain  ultimate  facts  in  the  constitu- 
tion of  society.  Revolution,  or  a  series  of  revolutions, 
may  lead  to  the  recognition  of  these  truths  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  these  facts  in  the  political  structure.  But 
once  that  point  is  reached,  and  political  society  is  dis- 
tinctly and  fairly  established  upon  these  facts  and  truths, 
and  for  these  ends,  then,  in  an  age  when  knowledge  and 
Christianity  have  free  play,  the  permanence  of  moral 


NOT  A  RIGHT  BUT  A  CRIME.  17 

causes  influencing  society  will  so  far  secure  the  well- 
ordering  of  the  state,  that  its  overthrow  by  violence  can 
never  become  a  right  and  a  duty ;  but  to  attempt  this 
must  always  be  a  wrong  and  a  crime. 

In  other  words,  when  a  community  has  reached  that 
high  state  of  political  organization  in  which  these  things 
are  secured — to  wit,  A  free  popular  government  with  all 
its  appropriate  institutions  (to  be  hereafter  defined),  and 
a  constitution  duly  regulating  the  administration  of  that 
government,  and  itself  amendable  by  the  people,  then,  by 
virtue  of  those  moral  causes  which  in  such  an  organiza- 
tion will  essentially  secure  the  well-ordering  of  the  state, 
the  right  of  revolution  ceases  from  that  community,  and 
an  armed  uprising  against  such  a  free,  popular,  constitu- 
tional government,  being  necessarily  without  justifying 
conditions,  can  never  become  rightful,  but  must  be  always 
and  simply  a  crime. 

The  proposition  in  this  general  form  may  startle  some 
by  its  novelty,  and  others  by  the  breadth  and  the  boldness 
of  its  assertion.  It  runs  athwart  traditions  and  prejudices 
derived  from  our  own  revolutionary  epoch;  yet  it  har- 
monizes with  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  It 
contradicts  that  style  of  Fourth-of-July  declamation 
which  has  gone  to  seed  in  this  Southern  rebellion ;  but 
it  is  the  logical  sequence  of  the  true  doctrine  of  revolu- 
tion. 

To  clothe  it  in  a  concrete  form:  We  who  are  of 
English  blood,  and  heirs  of  English  liberty,  did  rebel  and 
rightfully  rebel  against  Charles  I. ;  we  rebelled  again,  and 
rightfully,  against  James  II. ;  and  again  the  third  time 
we  rebelled  rightfully  against  George  III.  But  .did  we 
thereby  establish  the  law  of  an  indefinite  series  of  rebel- 
lions, justified  by  precedent,  and  to  recur  at  intervals,  as 


18  RE  VOL  UTION  A  GAINST  FREE  G  0  VERNMENT 

a  condition  of  progress  for  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  ?  True, 
each  of  the  first  two  rebellions  was  a  justifying  precedent 
for  that  which  came  after ;  yet  each,  in  proportion  to  the 
permanent  value  of  its  own  gains,  lessened  the  area  of 
rightful  revolution ;  and  our  revolution  of  1776,  with  its 
final  and  perfect  result  in  the  Constitution  of  1789,  swept 
over  every  remaining  point  of  revolutionary  right  upon 
this  soil ;  so  that,  instead  of  here  establishing  the  right 
of  revolution  as  an  article  of  our  political  faith,  and  a 
sacred  precedent  for  after  ages,  it  really  exhausted  that 
right  by  its  own  success.  Our  fathers  fought  to  estab- 
lish not  the  right  of  revolution,  but  the  rights  of  man,  and 
a  government  that  should  conserve  those  rights,  and 
should  therefore  stand  till  the  end  of  time. 


STABILITY    OF   GOVERNMENT. 

Now,  the  well-being  of  political  society  requires  sta- 
bility in  government,  no  less  than  freedom  of  individual 
life  and  of  social  progress,  under  that  government.  Mr. 
J.  Stuart  Mill — than  whom  there  is  none  abler  upon  such 
a  theme — lays  down  as  a  condition  of  permanent  political 
society,  ".  the  existence,  in  some  form  or  other,  of  the 
feeling  of  allegiance  or  loyalty.  This  feeling  may  vary 
in  its  objects,  and  is  not  confined  to  any  particular  form 
of  government ;  but  whether  in  a  democracy  or  in  a 
monarchy,  its  essence  is  always  the  same ;  viz.  :  that  there 
be  in  the  constitution  of  the  state  something  which  is 
settled,  something  permanent,  and  not  to  be  called  in 
question ;  something  which,  by  general  agreement,  has  a 
right  to  be  where  it  is,  and  to  be  secure  against  disturb- 
ance, whatever  else  may  change.  In  all  political  societies 
which  have  had  a  durable  existence,  there  has  been  some 


NOT  A  RIGHT  BUT  A    CRIME.  19 

fixed  point ;  something  which  men  agreed  in  holding 
sacred ;  which  it  might  or  might  not  be  lawful  to  contest 
in  theory,  but  which  no  one  could  either  fear  or  hope  to 
see  shaken  in  practice  ;  which,  in  short  (except  perhaps 
during  some  temporary  crisis)  was  in  the  common  esti- 
mation placed  above  discussion.  And  the  necessity  of 
this  may  easily  be  made  evident.  A  state  never  is,  nor, 
until  mankind  are  vastly  improved,  can  hope  to  be,  for 
any  long  time  exempt  from  internal  dissension  ;  for  there 
neither  is  nor  has  ever  been  any  state  of  society  in  which 
collisions  did  not  occur  between  the  immediate  interests 
and  passions  of  powerful  sections  of  the  people.  What, 
then,  enables  society  to  weather  these  storms,  and  pass 
through  turbulent  times  without  any  permanent  weakening 
of  the  ties  which  hold  it  together  ?  Precisely  this — that 
however  important  the  interests  about  which  men  fall 
out,  the  conflict  does  not  affect  the  fundamental  principles 
of  the  system  of  social  union  which  happens  to  exist ; 
nor  threaten  large  portions  of  the  community  with  the  sub- 
version of  that  on  which  they  have  built  their  calculations, 
and  with  which  their  hopes  and  aims  have  become  iden- 
tified. But  when  the  questioning  of  these  fundamental 
principles  is  (not  an  occasional  disease,  but)  the  habitual 
condition  of  the  body  politic ;  and  when  all  the  violent 
animosities  are  called  forth,  which  spring  naturally  from 
such  a  situation,  the  state  is  virtually  in  a  position  of 
civil  war  ;  and  can  never  long  remain  free  from  it  in  act 
and  fact."*  Now,  Mr.  Jefferson's  theory  would  keep  so- 
ciety in  a  chronic  state  of  chaos  ;  by  subjecting  not  laws, 
measures,  policy  alone  to  the  healthy  revision  of  expe- 
rience, but  government  itself,  in  all  that  should  give  the 
sense  of  security  and  permanence,  government  in  its  very 

*  Mill's  Logic,  Book  vi.  chap.  x.  p.  582.  American  edition. 


20  RE  VOL  UTION  A  GAINST  FREE  0  0  VERNMENT 

form  and  essence,  its  fundamental  institutions — subjecting 
this  to  a  periodical  demolition  by  general  consent,  as  the 
alternative  of  a  violent  revolution.  It  is  impossible  that 
society  should  exist  upon  such  a  basis.  It  is  as  if  the 
citizens  of  New  York  should  set  apart  certain  periodical 
times  hereafter  for  destroying  their  own  houses,  lest  a 
mob  should  burn  them  down. 

GOVERNMENT  A   NECESSITY. 

Government,  to  answer  properly  its  functions,  must 
not  only  secure  its  subjects  in  their  rights  at  home,  and 
defend  them  abroad,  but  must  carry  the  assurance  of  its 
own  security  and  permanence.  As  Mill  says,  "  there  must 
be  in  the  constitution  of  the  state  something  which  is 
settled,  and  not  to  be  called  in  question."  Now,  to  give 
this  security,  there  must  be  in  the  minds  of  its  citizens 
the  conviction  that  GOVERNMENT  is  a  Necessity  of  human 
Society,  and  therefore  as  really  an  ordinance  of  man's 
nature  for  his  well-being,  as  any  law  or  ordinance  of  the 
Creator  concerning  man.  An  absolute,  independent  in- 
dividualism is  impossible  to  a  being  who  begins  his  ex- 
istence under  the  restraints  and  obligations  of  the  family, 
and  who  grows  up  amidst  other  families  and  persons, 
whose  presence  creates  other  mutual  restraints  and  obliga- 
tions. No  man  can  assume  this  naked  individualism  as 
his  stand-point  of  personal  rights,  and  refuse  allegiance 
to  society  except  he  can  have  in  all  things  his  own  way. 
Society  is  not  an  aggregation  of  such  units  of  individual- 
ism ;  it  is  an  organic  whole,  whose  growth  is  parallel  with 
the  existence  of  mankind.  "  Man"  says  Montesquieu, 
"  is  born  in  society,  and  there  he  remains  ;"  always  a 
member  of  it,  and  always  having  toward  it  relations  and 
obligations  which  he  did  not  create  and  cannot  annul. 


NOT  A   RIGHT  BUT  A   CRIME.  21 

Society  may  be  imperfect,  corrupt,  tyrannical  in  its  spirit, 
its  opinions,  its  laws ;  it  may  be  arbitrary  in  its  structure, 
unjust  and  exacting  in  its  demands  ;  the  established  order 
of  things  may  demand  renovation  ;  yet  the  individual  is 
not  an  independent  force,  outside  of  society,  whose 
mission  is  antagonism  and  revolution,  but  a  leavening 
power  within  society,  of  which  he  is  an  integral  part. 

The  state  inheres  in  society,  and  government  is  a  prime 
necessity  of  its  existence.  Without  government  there  is 
chaos  and  the  mob.  The  government  may  be  corrupt, 
unjust,  oppressive ;  demanding  reform  even  to  the  extent 
of  revolution ;  yet  men  should  be  trained  to  the  idea, 
not  that  they  are  born  enemies  of  government,  but  that 
government,  however  needing  to  be  rectified,  exists  as  a 
necessity  of  their  own  existence. 

This  conviction,  so  opposite  to  Mr.  Jefferson's  theory 
of  perpetual  agitation  at  the  very  foundations  of  society, 
is  justified  alike  by  the  teachings  of  Christianity,  by  a 
sound  political  philosophy,  by  the  experience  of  mankind, 
and  by  common  sense.  And  the  education  of  the  com- 
munity in  this  view  of  government,  as  being  in  its  essence 
an  ordinance  of  the  Creator  for  man's  wel  are,  is  a  first 
step  toward  the  stability  of  government.  That  is  most 
stable  which  rests  in  the  intelligent  conviction  of  men 
that  it  is  useful  and  necessary. 

CONDITIONS    OF   STABILITY. 

But  this  education  should  be  farthered  by  the  structure 
of  the  particular  government  commending  itself  to  the 
confidence  of  its  subjects  as  wise  and  just.  It  is  necessary 
to  its  stability,  therefore — • 

I.  That  government  be  founded  in  and  for  THE  EIGHTS 
OF  MEX,  not  in  and  for  the  interests  of  classes.  I  do  not 


2  2  RE  VOL  UTION  A  GAINST  FREE   G  0  VERNMENT 

say  that  government  shall  not  care  for  interests,  since  a 
large  class  of  interests — the  currency,  the  usages  of  con- 
tracts and  inheritance,  the  code  of  commerce,  the  protec- 
tion of  authors  -and  inventors,  and  the  like — by  common 
consent  do  fall  within  its  province.  But  these  are  interests 
not  so  much  of  classes  against  classes,  but  of  the  whole 
community  in  and  by  its  several  members.  By  class 
interest  we  intend  the  special  advantage  of  a  section  or 
caste  in  the  community  in  opposition  to  the  rest ;  as  the 
interest  of  a  ruling  house  or  race,  the  interest  of  a  nobil- 
ity, of  the  priesthood,  or  of  the  army ;  or,  as  in  some 
European  cities  of  the  Middle  Ages,  the  interest  of  par- 
ticular guilds,  holding  a  monopoly  of  wealth,  manufac- 
ture, trade.  A  government  constructed  with  a  view  to 
conserve  class  interests,  to  favor  the  few  at  cost  of  the 
many,  to  uphold  castes,  political,  ecclesiastical,  hereditary, 
military,  commercial — no  matter  in  what  interest — rests 
upon  a  false  and  therefore  unstable  foundation.  For  no 
caste-interest  can  be  upheld  by  government  save  at  the 
expense  of  some  broad  general  right ;  and  since  all  pro- 
gress tends  toward  the  assertion  of  human  rights,  and  the 
abolition  of  class  usurpations  and  wrongs,  governments 
maintained  in  the  interest  of  classes  must  sooner  or  later 
fall.  But  once  a  government  is  securely  anchored  in  the 
rights  of  men,  guarding  the  essential  rights  of  human 
personality,  and  of  liberty  in  the  pursuit  of  good,  and 
making  these  its  just  and  equal  care,  it  has  in  itself,  and 
in  its  surroundings,  the  highest  security  and  stability 
that  can  pertain  to  any  human  institution.  And  for  this 
it  is  needful — 

II.  That  society  be  organized  in  FREE  INSTITUTIONS, 
which  themselves  are  vital  and  permanent.  The  institu- 
tion differs  from  the  privilege  or  charter  in  that  it  is  or- 


NOT  A   RIGHT  BUT  A    GRIME.  23 

ganic  in  society  itself.  When  the  confederate  barons  of 
England,  with  their  retainers,  drawn  up  in  battle  array  at 
Rimnymede,  wrung  from  King  John  the  Great  Charter  of 
June  19th,  1215,  they  gained  certain  concessions  to  per- 
sonal liberty,  which  have  ever  since  been  held  among  the 
great  prerogatives  of  Englishmen,  to  wit :  local  and  open 
courts  of  justice,  independent  of  fear  or  favor  from  the 
crown ;  and  the  pledge  that  no  man  should  be  arrested, 
imprisoned,  fined,  or  otherwise  injured  in  person  or  prop- 
erty, by  act  of  the  king  himself,  but  only  by  the  judg- 
ment of  his  peers,  and  by  the  law  of  the  land.  But 
these  grand  defences  of  liberty  were  held  as  concessions 
from  the  kingly  power.  They  were  written  in  the  char- 
ter. They  date  from  a  parchment.  Well,  a  hundred 
years  before,  Henry  I.  had  given  a  charter  of  franchises, 
every  copy  of  which  he  sought  afterwards  to  destroy ; 
and,  four  hundred  years  later,  Sir  Edward  Coke  could 
testify  in  Parliament  that  thirty-two  times  had  the  neces- 
sity arisen  to  have  the  provisions  of  Magna  Charta  sol- 
emnly reaffirmed  and  re-established  against  faithless 
kings.  Such  is  the  uncertain  tenure  of  popular  liberties 
when  held  as  concessions  from  a  superior  power.  Now, 
free  and  open  courts  in  every  county,  a  judiciary  inde- 
pendent of  the  executive,  the  trial  by  jury  for  every  ac- 
cused person — these  are  no  longer  privileges,  but  rights  ; 
not  concessions,  but  institutions.  We  do  not  go  back  to 
Kunnymede  for  their  origin ;  we  do  not  search  the  musty 
parchments  of  Lincoln  Cathedral  and  the  British  Museum 
for  their  sanction ;  they  belong  to  the  organic  structure 
of  our  society ;  are  a  part  of  our  growth — institutions 
that  need  not  even  a  constitution  to  verify  them. 

The  charter  that  Winthrop,  with  his  rare  eloquence, 
won  from  Charles  II.  for  the  colony  of  Connecticut,  was 


24:  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  FREE   GOVERNMENT 

so  ample  in  the  spirit  of  liberty,  that  after  the  Revolution 
Connecticut  needed  no  enlargement  of  civil  freedom  to 
make  her  a  true  democracy.  That  charter,  rescued  from 
the  grasp  of  a  tyrannical  governor,  and  hidden  in  the  old 
Hartford  oak,  has  survived  both  the  colony  and  the  oak, 
to  see  its  ancient  grants  grown  into  the  life  of  a  State  that 
no  longer  depends  upon  its  favor ;  for  the  town  meeting, 
the  elective  legislature,  the  home-made  laws  of  each  dis- 
trict and  county,  are  institutions  of  the  soil  in  which  the 
people  grow  as  the  natural  body  of  their  political  life. 
And  so,  when  the  free  ballot,  the  free  school,  the  free 
press,  the  independent  judiciary,  the  local  magistracy, 
have  come  to  be  institutions,  each  endowed  with  an  or- 
ganic life,  then  Society  itself  is  organized  in  the  spirit  of 
liberty,  and  liberty  is  safe,  because  it  is  no  longer  a  grant 
from  power,  but  itself  the  living,  moulding  Power  in  the 
state.  This  institutional  form  is  a  peculiarity  of  Anglo- 
Saxon  liberty  in  distinction  from  the  theoretical  constitu- 
tions of  the  spasmodic  republics  of  France.  M.  Ed.  La- 
boulaye  enumerates  personal  liberty,  religious  liberty, 
liberty  of  instruction,  liberty  of  the  press,  municipal  lib- 
erty, and  liberty  of  association,  as  the  natural  and  neces- 
sary concomitants  of  self-government ;  using  the  English 
term  "  self-government,"  and  adding,  "  the  word  is  lacking 
in  French,  because  we  have  not  the  thing."*  That  is  a 
thing  of  English  growth,  like  the  British  oak  that  grows 
on  through  the  ages,  and  outlives  the  storms. 

III.  To  insure  stability  in  government,  THE  GOVERN- 
ING- POWER  MUST  FAIRLY  REPRESENT  THE  WELFARE  OF 

THE  WHOLE  PEOPLE.  Founded  in  the  rights  of  man  and 
upon  institutions  of  freedom,  it  must  be  the  embodiment 

*  L'Etatet  ses  Limites,  p.  72. 


NOT  A  EIGHT  BUT  A   CRIME.  25 

of  the  national  good,  so  far  as  this  is  capable  of  being 
represented  by  official  organs.  The  rulers  therefore  must 
be  elective,  and  amenable  to  public  opinion  through  the 
press  and  through  the  polls.  Suffrage  may  be  more  or 
less  limited,  according  to  the  dictates  of  experience — for 
it  is  yet  an  unsettled  problem  by  what  rule  to  adjust  suf- 
frage for  the  highest  good  of  society  as  a  whole ;  legisla- 
tion may  be  divided  in  manner  and  responsibility,  and 
representation  may  be  direct  or  indirect,  as  is  seen  in  our 
universal  resort  to  two  houses  differently  constituted ; — 
but  whatever  these  modifications  of  the  elective  princi- 
ple, varying  from  the  absolute  democracy  of  a  New  Eng- 
land town  meeting  to  the  circuitous  election  of  a  United 
States  senator,  or  the  responsibility  of  a  ministry  appoint- 
ed by  the  British  crown  to  a  negative  vote  of  the  House 
of  Commons,  still  the  principle  must  obtain  that  the 
government  exists  for  the  whole,  and  fairly  represents 
the  welfare  of  that  whole.  This  is  the  essential  concep- 
tion of  a  free,  popular  government. 

In  such  a  conception,  the  principle  of  a  political  na- 
tionality, so  much  insisted  on  by  European  liberalists, 
finds  its  just  weight.  A  nationality  may  be  compound- 
ed of  several  races  by  intermarriage,  within  the  same 
territorial  limits,  as  is  true  to-day  of  the  American  peo- 
ple, the  English,  and,  to  some  extent,  of  the  French  and 
the  Italians.  A  nationality  may  also  embrace  within  it 
races  that  remain  physiologically  distinct,  while  practi- 
cally commingling  as  one  people.  Thus  the  negro  and 
the  Jew  in  this  country  retain  their  peculiarities  of  race, 
yet  they  do  not  exist  apart  as  communities,  but  through 
the  distribution  of  their  individual  members  are  integral 
parts  of  the  nation.  Entire  homogeneousness  of  popula- 
tion, therefore,  in  respect  of  race  and  origin,  is  not  essen- 
2 


26  RE  VOL  UTION  A  GAINST  FREE   G  0  VERNMENT 

tial  to  the  unit  of  nationality,  nor  to  secure  an  equal 
administration  of  the  government  for  the  whole  people. 

But  where  a  race  segregated  territorially  is  joined  po- 
litically to  another  race  superior  in  numbers  and  power, 
as  the  Irish  to  the  English,  the  Venetians  to  the  Aus- 
trians,  the  Poles  to  the  Russians;  or  where  different  races, 
upon  the  same  soil  are  kept  collectively  distinct  by  social 
and  religious  organization,  like  the  Christian  races  in 
Turkey,  there  a  proper  and  uniform  sentiment  of  nation- 
ality is  impossible,  and  there  is  a  constant  temptation  for 
the  larger  and  stronger  race  to  govern  the  rest  in  its  own 
interest.  Hence,  in  order  to  a  free  popular  government 
which  shall  consult  the  welfare  of  the  whole  people,  the 
principle  of  nationality  must  enter  fairly,  though  not  ex- 
clusively, into  the  constitution  of  such  a  government. 

Not  nativism,  in  a  narrow  partisan  sense,  but  nation- 
ality, as  comprehending  the  whole  people  in  one  unit  of 
political  existence,  is  essential  to  our  idea  of  a  free  popu- 
lar state.  There  must  be  "  a  feeling  of  common  interest 
among  those  who  live  under  the  same  government,  and 
are  contained  within  the  same  natural  or  historical  boun- 
daries ;  so  that  they  shall  feel  that  they  are  one  people ; 
that  their  lot  is  cast  together;  that  evil  to  any  of  their 
fellow-countrymen  is  evil  to  themselves ;  and  that  they 
cannot  selfishly  free  themselves  from  their  share  of  any 
common  inconvenience  by  severing  the  connection."*  In 
this  sense  of  the  term,  a  strong  and  active  principle  of  na- 
tionality is  essential  to  the  durability  of  the  body  politic ; 
and  hence  the  government  must  be  constituted  and  ad- 
ministered impartially,  for  the  whole  people. 

*  Mill's  Logic,  B.  vi.  chap.  10,  p.  583. 


NOT  A  RIGHT  BUT  A    CRIME.  27 

A    TRUE    POPULAR    SOVEREIGNTY. 

At  the  first,  as  we  have  seen,  popular  liberties  were 
concessions  from  the  reigning  power.  Next  these  were 
secured  by  constitutional  checks  upon  the  royal  preroga- 
tive, as  when  the  British  Commons  carried  the  great  point 
of  originating  money  bills  and  voting  subsidies  to  the 
crown.  But  government  by  the  people  is  not  fairly  at- 
tained until  the  people,  in  distinction  from  any  hereditary 
class  among  them,  elect  their  rulers,  and  are  themselves 
eligible  to  the  place  of  power.  Lord  Brougham  defines 
the  essence  of  an  aristocracy  to  be,  that  "  a  class  should 
exist  endowed  with  the  supreme  power,  while  into  that 
class  admission  is  denied  to  the  people  at  large,  or  can 
be  had  only  by  consent  of  the  select  few."  Now,  to  re- 
strict suffrage  by  distinctions  or  limitations  of  blood, 
race,  color,  birth,  or  hereditary  rank,  would  be  to  create 
an  aristocracy  of  electors  ;  but  to  attach  to  the  right  of 
suffrage  certain  conditions  of  age,  residence,  property,  or 
education,  does  not  create  an  aristocracy,  since  the  con- 
ditions are  such  as  all  men  may  attain  unto.  They  rest 
not  upon  natural  differences,  nor  hereditary  artificial  dis- 
tinctions, but  upon  personal  merit. 

So  with  qualifications  for  office.  The  state  may  re- 
quire that,  to  be  eligible  to  certain  offices,  one  must  be 
native  born  ;  that  for  others  he  must  be  of  a  certain  age  ; 
that  for  certain  posts  in  the  army  and  navy  he  shall  have 
graduated  at  the  military  or  the  naval  school ;  but  none 
of  these  conditions  restrict  the  rights  or  the  freedom  of 
the  citizen,  or  deprive  him  of  his  just  weight  in  public 
affairs.  So  long  as  the  people,  in  distinction  from  an 
hereditary  family,  and  in  distinction  from  an  exclusive 
order  of  men  in  the  community,  are  themselves  the  ulti- 


28  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  FREE  GOVERNMENT 

mate  source  of  power,  and,  as  a  whole,  do  directly  or  in- 
directly participate  in  the  supreme  power  of  the  state, 
there  is  a  free  popular  government,  whatever  modifica- 
tions expediency  or  experience  may  apply  to  the  elective 
franchise  or  to  the  tenure  of  office. 

With  all  his  radical  proclivities,  Jefferson  defines  a 
government  by  the  people  to  be  that  in  which  the  choice 
of  representatives  is  shared  "  by  every  man  of  ripe  years 
and  sane  mind,  who  either  contributes  by  his  puree  or 
person  to  the  support  of  his  country."*  This  definition 
can  hardly  be  improved  ;  yet  it  would  disfranchise  many 
who  boast  themselves  the  disciples  of  Jefferson,  who  in 
this  hour  of  their  country's  need  and  peril  contribute 
neither  purse  nor  person  to  its  support ! 

Aristotle  would  reduce  all  governments  to  two  kinds, 
marked  by  opposite  tendencies ; — "  that  in  which  the  good 
of  the  community  is  every  thing,  and  that  in  which  it 
goes  for  nothing."  A  free  popular  government,  in  which 
every  thing  tends  normally  to  the  good  of  the  community, 
is  the  perfection  of  government,  and  has  the  highest  war- 
rant of  stability. 

NEED  OF  A   CONSTITUTION. 

IV.  Yet  it  is  needful  that  a  free  government  be  defined 
and  regulated  by  a  CONSTITUTION,  itself  amendable.  The 
community,  whose  good  is  the  end  of  government,  does 
not  always  at  the  first  discern  its  own  good ;  does  not 
always  consult  that  good  simply,  or  in  the  best  manner ; 
is  not  always  free  from  prejudice  or  passion,  from  igno- 
rance or  party  bias,  or  the  influence  of  base  and  artful 
men ;  and  therefore  a  free  popular  government  needs 
checks  upon  itself,  in  the  interest  of  both  justice  and 

*  Jefferson's  Works,  vol.  vii.  p.  319 


NOT  A  RIGHT   BUT  A   CRIME.  29 

liberty.  Such  a  government  can  be  safely  administered 
only  under  a  written  constitution — the  organic  law  of 
the  state ;  a  constitution  framed  in  a  time  of  calmness, 
with  wise  deliberation,  and  for  the  one  purpose  of  making 
the  government  to  be  administered  under  it,  best  sub- 
serve the  welfare  of  the  whole  people.  Not  liberty  alone, 
but  "law-girt  liberty ;"  not  mere  popular  government,  but 
constitutional  regulated  freedom, — a  government  at  once 
by  law  and  under  law  ;  and  that  law  supreme  and  abso 
lute  in  its  authority,  yet  itself  restrained  from  an  arbi 
trary  and  despotic  infallibility  because  it  is  amendable  / — 
not  however  by  the  government  nor  by  the  populace,  but 
by  the  solemn  deliberative  action  of  the  chosen  repre- 
sentatives of  the  sovereign  power;  this  union  of  LAW 
and  LIBERTY,  of  free  government  with  fixed  authority, 
combines  in  the  highest  degree  the  stability  of  freedom 
with  the  flexibility  of  its  forms — the  order  of  society 
with  the  improvement  of  political  administration.  A 
government  thus  constituted  can  stand  if  human  society 
can  exist ;  it  is  made  to  stand ;  it  ought  to  stand. 


PERFECTION    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES    GOVERNMENT, 

Never  before  in  the  history  of  the  world  have  these 
several  elements  of  stability  in  government  been  com- 
bined as  in  the  Government  of  these  United  States. 
Founded  upon  the  broadest  declaration  of  the  essential 
equality  and  the  inalienable  rights  of  men;  embosomed 
in  organic  institutions  of  justice  and  of  freedom  ;  fairly 
representing  the  whole  people,  and  constituted  for  their 
equal  benefit ;  and  ordered  by  that  grand  Constitution, 
the  elaborated,  concentrated,  and  harmonious  wisdom  of 
the  sages  of  the  nation ;  accepted  by  the  people,  and  by 


30  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  FREE   GOVEP^tfENT 

them  ordained  "to  establish  justice,  promote  the  general 
welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  themselves 
and  their  posterity  :" — a  Constitution  that  denies  to  the 
ablest  general  or  statesman  a  title  of  nobility ;  that  makes 
the  President  of  the  nation  liable  to  impeachment  for 
treason,  bribery,  or  other  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors  ; 
that  forbids  Congress  to  assume  any  powers  not  expressly 
delegated ;  that  watches  and  checks  every  tendency  of 
government  to  encroach  upon  the  people ;  and  then  says 
to  the  humblest  citizen,  in  the  name  of  the  greatest  of 
nations,  "  Your  speech,  your  religion,  your  business, 
your  locomotion  shall  be  free ;  your  person  and  your 
house  shall  be  secure ;  you  shall  not  be  deprived  of  life, 
liberty,  or  property,  without  due  process  of  law ;  if  ac- 
cused of  crime,  you  shall  have  a  speedy  and  public  trial, 
by  an  impartial  jury  of  your  own  district;  you  can  com- 
pel your  witnesses,  and  shall  have  counsel  at  our  cost  for 
your  defence.  You — the  individual  man,  down  there  in 
the  most  humble  and  obscure  position  in  society — in  the 
eye  of  the  Constitution,  are  greater  than  all  its  official 
executors :  them  it  watches  and  restrains,  that  they  do 
you  no  wrong ;  you  it  defends  and  secures  in  every  right." 
Such  a  government  is  made  to  stand  ;  it  ought  to  stand ; 

IT  WILL  STAND. 

THE   RIGHT  OF  REVOLUTION. 

But  how  does  such  a  government  stand  toward  that 
right  of  revolution,  which  was  never  more  strongly 
asserted  than  in  its  own  origin  ? 

There  is  a  right  of  revolution.  The  divine  warrant  for 
civil  government,  given  both  in  the  Bible  and  in  the 
nature  of  things,  cannot  be  pressed,  as  the  dotard  on  the 
throne  of  Prussia  would  press  it,  into  sanctioning  tyranny, 


NOT  A  EIGHT  BUT  A    CRIME.  31 

and  forbidding  the  redress  of  wrongs  by  an  appeal  to 
arms.  The  right  of  resistance  is,  in  its  place,  as  sacred 
as  the  duty  of  obedience.  The  Bible,  speaking  in  popu- 
lar language,  and  not  with  the  formal  exactness  of  philo- 
sophical definition,  lays  down  general  truths  broadly, 
without  those  qualifications  and  exceptions  that  specific 
cases  would  fairly  authorize.  The  doctrine  so  clearly 
taught,  that  Christianity  is  not  to  organize  a  crusade 
against  civil  government,  but  should  uphold  the  state  as 
a  necessary  and  a  divine  institution,  proceeds  on  the 
assumption  that  the  government,  in  the  main,  answers 
the  purpose  of  its  institution,  as  the  protector  of  the 
good  and  a  terror  to  the  evil.  If,  however,  by  injustice 
and  violence,  the  government  becomes  an  unbearable 
oppression,  there  rests  in  Society,  which  gives  form  to 
the  State,  an  ultimate  right  to  redress  itself,  by  overturn- 
ing or  otherwise  changing  the  falsified  government,  in  the 
interest  of  a  true  and  righteous  ordering  of  the  state. 

We  are  liable,  however,  to  be  misled  by  the  term 
"  Right  of  Kevolution,"  as  if  this  were  a  reserved  right 
lodged  somewhere  within  the  political  structure  itself 
But  a  revolution  is  the  overturning  of  the  established 
order  of  things  with  a  view  to  establish  a  new  order  in 
its  stead ;  and  therefore,  in  strict  logic,  there  can  be  no 
right  of  revolution  latent  within  an  existing  political 
system. 

What  we  intend  by  the  right  of  revolution  may  be 
better  defined  as  the  moral  DUTY  or  RESISTANCE  to 
tyranny  and  wrong,  even  to  the  extent  of  breaking  up 
the  whole  established  order  of  things  ;*  not  our  right, 
then,  as  citizens  or  subjects,  but  our  duty  as  men.  And 

*  For  this  distinction  I  am  indebted  to  my  valued  friend,  Prof.  Francis 
Lieber,  LL.D. 


32  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  FREE   GOVERNMENT 

this  duty,  when  the  case  arises,  we  must  be  ready  to 
perform,  or,  for  example's  sake,  to  perish  in  the  attempt. 
But,  as  a  duty,  it  must  be  capable  of  being  defended  upon 
moral  grounds,  defended  before  God,  defended  in  history, 
defended  by  its  motives  and  results. 

To  justify  a  revolution,  therefore — to  clothe  it  with  the 
sanctity  of  duty — these  three  things  must  concur : 

1.  The   movement  must   be  founded  in  justice,  and 
must  aim  at  a  result  which  in  itself  will  be  right  and 
good. 

2.  The  evils  against  which  it  protests  must  be  griev- 
ous and  unbearable  wrongs. 

3.  The  revolution  should  appear  to  be  the  only,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  a  feasible  mode  of  redress. 

Bad  government,  at  the  -worst,  may  be  better  than 
anarchy ; — and  such  are  the  horrors  of  civil  war,  that  no 
community  or  portion  of  the  body  politic  can  be  justified 
in  invoking  these,  except  as  a  last  resort  against  des- 
perate wrongs,  and  with  a  reasonable  hope  of  success  in 
the  attempt  to  win  justice  by  the  sword.  While,  there- 
fore, the  right  of  revolution  may  be  valid  for  Italy  against 
Austria,  or  for  Poland  against  Kussia,  it  is  impossible 
that  a  case  should  ever  arise  in  which  an  armed  insurrec- 
tion against  a  constitutional  free  government  would  be 
justifiable.  In  such  a  government  the  Constitution 
stands  ever  to  restrain,  or,  if  need  be,  to  judge  the  admin- 
istrators of  government  in  matters  of  alleged  injustice ; 
and  the  acting  government  itself  can  be  changed  at 
limited  periods.  All  wrongs  can  be  redressed,  all  wrong- 
doers can  be  removed  in  time,  by  peaceable  methods ; 
and,  at  the  most,  nothing  could  be  gained  by  insurrection 
but  a  change  of  rulers — which  can  be  gained  without  it 
— and  an  insurrection  could  give  no  better  security  for 


NOT  A  EIGHT  BUT  A  CRIME.  33 

the  character  of  those  it  raised  to  power  than  would  a 
peaceable  election. 

THE   RIGHT   USE  OF  TERMS. 

Let  us  look  at  this  more  closely.  There  is  a  right  or 
duty  of  revolution.  But  what  sort  of  a  right  is  it?  A 
constant,  omnipresent  right,  that  may  be  put  forth  at  any 
time,  for  any  end  ?  Is  it  the  right  to  get  up  a  mob  and 
a  counter-mob,  a  barricade  and  a  counter-barricade,  at 
every  election  ?  Is  it  what  the  "New  Gospel  of  Peace" 
describes  as  the  specialty  of  a  certain  type  of  citizen,  who 
"  loveth  fighting  for  fighting's  sake,  and  without  schyn- 
dees  he  pineth  away,  and  life  is  a  burden  unto  him  ?" 
The  first  French  republican  constitution  had  a  section  de- 
claring that  citizens  have  a  right  to  resist  with  arms  unjust 
laws.  This  Dr.  Lieber  well  describes  as  "  armed  nullifi- 
cation en  permanence;"  or,  we  may  say,  Government 
holds  only  under  a  lease  from  Anarchy,  voidable  at  will. 

My  neighbor  has  a  right,  in  extremis,  to  blow  up  his 
house  with  gunpowder,  to  arrest  the  spread  of  fire.  But 
is  the  right  to  put  kegs  of  powder  into  his  cellar  and  blow 
up  his  house,  the  same  kind  of  a  right  with  that  to  dig  a 
cellar  and  build  a  house  by  my  side  ?  Clearly,  this  be- 
comes a  right  only  in  a  great  emergency,  when  it  is  the 
last  hope  of  deliverance;  at  any  other  time  the  act  would 
be  a  crime.  Now,  the  right  of  revolution  is  of  that 
nature  ;  it  is  not  absolute,  but  conditional ;  only  certain 
rare  exigencies  and  combinations  can  bring  it  into  being, 
and  without  these,  clearly  and  forcibly  existing,  it  is  a 
crime  to  attempt  a  revolution. 

So  great  are  the  calamities  of  civil  war,  so  frightful  the 
horrors  of  anarchy,  that  the  overturning  of  government 
may  be  rightfully  attempted  only  for  the  ends  of  justice 
2* 


34  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  FREE   GOVERNMENT 

— never  for  the  interest  of  a  party,  for  the  success  of  a 
dynasty,  from  disappointed  ambition,  or  for  a  mere 
change  of  political  policy.  There  must  be  in  it  that 
which  appeals  to  the  moral  sense  of  men  as  just  and 
right,  to  warrant  a  movement  that  may  deluge  the  land 
with  blood  and  shroud  every  house  in  mourning. 

And,  even  with  right  upon  its  side,  the  movement  will  I 
not   be  justified  by  mere   annoyances,  discomforts,   or 
occasional  burdens  and   grievances,  that  affect  not  the 
core  of  society,  and  that  time  might  relieve  or  allay,  but 
by  accumulated  and  unbearable  wrongs. 

And  even  then  the  revolution  must  have  a  fair 
prospect  of  success  to  warrant  the  fearful  responsibility  of 
attempting  it.  "  The  evils  must  have  become  intolerable 
before  the  resistance  is  to  be  attempted  ;  the  parties  whose 
rights  are  invaded  must  first  exhaust  every  peaceful,  and 
orderly,  and  lawful  means  of  obtaining  redress.  An  in- 
surrection is  only  to  be  justified  by  the  necessity  which 
leaves  no  alternative ;  and  the  probability  of  success  is  to 
be  weighed,  in  order  that  a  hopeless  attempt  may  not  in- 
volve the  community  in  distress  and  confusion."* 

EARL    RUSSELL'S    THREE    REBELLIONS. 

Each  of  the  three  rebellions  cited  by  Earl  Eussell  had 
these  justifying  grounds,  that  constituted  it  a  rightful 
revolution.  When  the  ill-fated  Charles  had  arrested 
Parliamentary  leaders  for  words  uttered  in  debate ;  had 
assessed  money  without  law,  and  imprisoned  citizens  for 
non-payment ;  had  denied  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  in 
time  of  peace ;  had  suppressed  Parliament ;  had  used  the 
Star  Chamber  for  the  torture  of  political  victims,  by 
branding,  whipping,  slitting  the  nose,  cropping  the  ears, 

*  Brougham's  Political  Philosophy,  Part  iii.  chap.  xii. 


NOT  A  EIGHT  BUT  A   CRIME.  35 

at  the  tyrant's  whim ;  and,  finally,  would  turn  the  army 
into  an  engine  of  his  despotic  will,  it  was  plain  that  all 
the  rights  and  liberties  of  Englishmen  were  gone.  These 
were  unbearable  wrongs.  Begun  under  the  despotic 
James,  they  had  grown  and  multiplied,  under  his  more 
despotic  son,  against  laws  and  charters,  against  petitions 
and  remonstrances,  against  oaths  and  covenants,  against 
patience  and  concession,  until  the  only  hope  of  redress  lay 
in  an  appeal  to  arms ; — the  only  alternative  of  the  nation 
was  an  unmitigated  despotism  or  a  violent  revolution. 

And  when,  forty  years  later,  the  bad  blood  of  the  Stu- 
arts, not  cured  by  the  terrible  lancet  of  Whitehall,  broke 
out  anew  in  the  monstrous  dogma  of  James  II. — "  the 
king  from  God — law  from  the  king" — and  every  thing  in 
the  state — religion,  trade,  finance,  justice,  the  persons  and 
the  lives  of  men — must  be  held  at  the  absolute  will  of  the 
tyrant,  there  was  need  that  the  unfinished  revolution  of 
the  last  generation  should  be  completed  by  expelling  the 
Stuart  dynasty,  and  bringing  in  a  new  order  of  things. 
That  last  great  appeal  of  Englishmen  to  the  sword  was 
for  justice  and  the  rights  of  man,  against  accumulated 
and  unbearable  wrongs ;  and  well  has  it  been  said,  that 
the  English  government  was  then  "  made  to  rest  upon 
the  people's  Right  of  Resistance,  as  upon  its  corner- 
stone." 

And  with  what  solemn  majesty  did  our  fathers  take 
up  their  reluctant  appeal  to  arms,  the  last,  only  redress 
against  unbearable  wrongs !  That  long  indictment 
against  the  king  of  Great  Britain,  of  abuses  and  usur- 
pations having  in  direct  object  the  establishment  of  an 
absolute  tyranny,  were  itself  their  sufficient  justification. 
But  they  do  not  plead  this  until  every  moral  means  has 
been  exhausted.  "  In  every  stage  of  these  oppressions, 


36  REVOL  UTION  A  GAINST  FREE  G  0  VERNMENT 

we  have  petitioned  for  redress  in  the  most  humble  terms ; 
our  repeated  petitions  have  been  answered  only  by  re- 
peated injuries."  And  so,  acquiescing  in  the  necessity, 
they  take  up  this  last  dread  appeal  to  the  Supreme 
Judge  of  the  world. 

Proud  are  we  to  be  the  offspring  of  three  such  rebel- 
lions— conceived  only  in  the  interest  of  Justice,  attemp- 
ted only  at  the  stern  behest  of  duty  to  Liberty  and  to 
Man,  and  achieved  without,  abuse  of  power  or  stain  of 
crime.  And  therefore  do  we  stand  in  the  name  of  all 
that  these  solemn  ordeals  of  the  sword  have  secured,  to 
insist  that  well-ordered  freedom  shall  not  be  disturbed 
by  a  factious  insurrection  mocking  the  sacred  name  of 
revolution. 


THE   TEST  APPLIED  TO  OUR   OWN   GOVERNMENT. 

Test  now  the  right  of  revolution  by  the  principles  of 
a  constitutional  government  founded  in  institutions  of 
popular  liberty,  and  existing  for  the  ends  of  justice,  of 
order,  and  of  freedom.  Against  a  government  so  consti- 
tuted, in  its  structure,  its  genius,  its  aims,  no  plea  of  in- 
justice or  wrong  can  ever  arise,  no  warrant  for  resistance 
in  the  name  of  human  rights,  or  for  any  real  interest  of 
man.  The  utmost  ground  of  complaint  would  lie  against 
the  temporary  administration  of  such  a  government — 
the  usurpation  of  power  by  those  in  authority,  or  the 
tyranny  of  the  majority  in  violation  of  the  constitution, 
or  through  a  perversion  of  its  forms.  But  this  can  never 
go  to  such  a  pitch  of  unbearable  outrage  that  the  over- 
turning of  the  state  will  be  the  only,  and,  therefore,  the 
justifiable  remedy. 


NOT  A  RIGHT  BUT  A  CRIME.  37 

Under  an  autocracy,  like  that  of  Russia,  either  of  two 
things,  or  both,  might  be  gained  by  a  revolution : — a 
change  in  the  dynasty,  or  a  change  in  the  form  of  govern- 
ment, to  a  republic  or  a  limited  monarchy.  Yet,  under 
such  a  government,  revolution  is  not  justified  by  every 
wrong.  If  Nicholas  is  an  oppressor,  it  may  be  well  to 
wait  for  Alexander.  He  may  emancipate  the  serfs ;  he 
may  inaugurate  a  system  of  constitutional  freedom.  It 
is  yet  to  be  proved  whether  Poland  will  now  gain  more 
by  fighting  than  might  have  been  won  by  endurance. 
There  is  reason  to  suspect  that  her  present  insurrection 
was  prompted  by  her  aristocracy,  in  order  to  perpetuate 
serfdom.  Yet,  for  her  accumulated  wrongs,  there  does 
remain  to  Poland  the  sacred  right  of  revolution,  in  the 
interest  of  nationality. 

In  a  mixed  government,  like  that  of  England,'  though 
no  change  of  form  may  be  desirable,  a  revolution  might 
be  needful  to  purge  the  land  of  a  race  of  tyrants  like  the 
Stuarts.  Yet  when  a  headstrong  fool  upon  the  throne 
of  Prussia  attempts  to  subvert  the  constitution  by  royal 
prerogative,  it  does  not  follow  that  revolution  is  the 
remedy.  Better  than  a  deluge  of  fire  and  blood,  the  at- 
titude of  legal  and  moral  resistance  in  which  that  nation 
calmly  waits  for  the  accession  of  the  Crown-Prince — 
doubly  pledged  to  freedom  by  his  own  professions,  and 
by  the  hand  of  England's  noblest  daughter. 

But,  under  such  a  government  as  I  have  described,  a 
change  in  the  form  of  government  is  in  no  case  to  be 
desired,  since  such  a  change  could  only  be  a  step  back- 
ward, against  the  rights  and  liberties  of  men.  The  form 
of  government,  if  not  the  best  conceivable,  is  the  best 
attainable  with  human  imperfection.  The  only  thing  to 
be  sought,  therefore,  by  revolution,  is  a  change  of  rulers 


38  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  FREE   GOVERNMENT 

and  measures.  Grant,  then,  that  these  are  wicked  and 
oppressive  in  the  extreme  ;  that  rulers  sworn  to  uphold 
the  Constitution  violate  it  by  outrages  upon  the  con- 
science, the  property,  the  person,  the  life  of  the  citizen. 
Shall  we  seek  redress  by  an  armed  revolution  ? 

In  taking  up  arms  to  oust  an  administration,  we  begin 
by  violating  the  Constitution.  Still,  the  exigency  might 
allow  for  that.  But  if  we  triumph  in  the  fight,  what 
next?  Shall  the  men  raised  into  power  by  the  bayonet 
be  kept  there  by  force  of  arms  ?  Then  do  we  trample 
free  government  under  foot !  Then  do  we  substitute  for 
a  free  election  a  war  of  factions,  and  inflict  upon  society 
a  greater  evil  than  we  cure!  Is  there  a  man  in  all  this 
land  who  would  consent,  upon  the  plea  of  "military 
necessity,"  that  the  present  Administration  should  hold 
over  without  the  form  of  a  new  election  ? 

If,  then,  to  save  liberty,  we  fall  back  upon  the  election, 
the  ousted  party  may  renew  its  triumph  at  the  polls ;  or 
what  guarantee  have  we  in  history,  or  in  human  nature, 
or  from  our  experience  of  politicians,  that  the  very  men 
we  have  fought  into  power  will  not  turn  and  sell  them- 
selves to  the  conquered  for  their  votes  ?  Holding  the 
form  of  free  government  to  be  the  best,  can  any  thing 
be  hoped  for  by  revolution  under  such  a  government 
that  would  warrant  the  effusion  of  treasure  and  blood, 
the  monstrous  cost  and  suffering  and  woe  of  civil  war? 
—any  thing  that  were  not  as  surely  gained  by  time  and 
patient  working  ? 

I  grant  the  immediate  check  to  usurpation,  by  means 
of  armed  resistance,  and  the  moral  lesson  of  such  resist- 
ance to  wrong.  But  the  government  itself,  remember,  is 
constituted  in  and  for  right;  and  society,  in  the  end, 
gravitates  toward  the  right.  At  length  reason  and  moral 


NOT  A  EIGHT  BUT  A   CRIME.  39 

firmness,  with  wise  political  action,  must  conquer  abuse 
and  wrong  in  a  free  government.  There  is  for  these  a 
sure  and  peaceful  remedy ;  and  therefore,  to  stir  the 
foundations  of  society  by  revolt,  and  give  the  fatal  pre- 
cedent of  fighting  factions,  is  itself  a  wrong.  The  most 
wayward  and  tyrannical  majority  may  be  subdued, 
the  most  adroit  political  usurpation  may  be  overcome 
without  recourse  to  arms.  And  such  incidents  of  free 
government  can  never  be  swept  from  our  path  by 
revolution. 


FREEDOM    A    MORAL    REGULATOR. 

I  have  assumed,  as  underlying  this  whole  argument, 
that  in  the  condition  of  society  essential  to  the  origina- 
tion of  such  a  government,  certain  principles  of  human 
nature,  under  the  action  of  established  moral  causes,  will 
essentially  secure  the  well-ordering  of  the  state.  This 
is  the  safeguard  against  a  permanent  abuse  of  power  by 
the  majority,  and  also  against  such  an  extreme  and  per- 
manent corruption  of  the  people  as  would  vitiate  their 
political  institutions.  I  affirm  neither  the  divine  right 
of  republics  nor  the  infallibility  of  the  people ;  but,  the 
existence  of  free  institutions  at  the  basis  of  a  popular 
constitutional  government,  supplies  a  regulative  power 
against  the  misdirection  of  the  government,  and  against 
the  abuse  of  popular  sovereignty.  Those  institutions — 
the  free  press,  the  free  school,  the  free  church,  the  local 
administration  of  political  affairs  and  of  legal  justice — 
are  training  schools,  both  in  personal  liberty  and  in  self- 
government. 

Freedom  of  individual  pursuits  favors  business  occu- 
pations and  domestic  arrangements,  that  make  the  citi- 


4:0  RE  VOL  UTION  A  GAINST  FREE   G  0  VERNNENT 

zen  conservative  of  law  and  order,  even  upon  selfish 
grounds.  A  man's  family,  his  shop,  his  farm,  are  so 
many  hostages  for  his  loyalty  to  a  state  that  is  consti- 
tuted upon  the  very  principle  of  protecting  him  in  their 
possession  and  use.  The  Bed-republican,  or  socialist,  of 
continental  Europe,  the  ragged  barn-burner  of  Tip- 
perary — however  at  the  first  confounding  liberty  with 
lawlessness, — no  sooner  tastes  the  satisfaction  of  acquir- 
ing and  owning  property,  than  he  becomes  the  champion 
of  order.  Freedom  of  discussion,  sooner  or  later,  ex- 
poses the  arts  of  demagogues ;  freedom  of  personal  action 
breaks  the  spell  of  parties,  and  fritters  down  majorities 
when  these  would  grow  tyrannical.  A  Yan  Buren,  a 
Douglas,  a  Dickenson,  will  break  the  very  organization 
they  had  helped  to  compact.  A  collective  despotism  is 
hard  to  maintain  under  the  forms  of  free  government,  with 
a  constitution  pledged  to  liberty  and  justice,  and  with  the 
oft-recurring  scrutiny  of  the  ballot-box.  Indeed,  against 
the  dearest  interests  of  individuals ;  against  the  vested 
rights  of  man  in  the  organic  structure  of  the  state ; 
against  the  power  of  knowledge,  of  virtue,  of  religion, 
in  a  free  community,  it  is  impossible  that  the  despotism 
of  a  majority  should  stand  long  enough  to  warrant  re- 
sistance by  violence.  This  is  emphatically  true  when, 
as  in  our  government,  the  ruling  power  is  not  the  naked 
numerical  majority,  but  what  Mr.  Calhoun  so  aptly  styled 
the  CONCURRENT  MAJORITY  of  two  bodies  representing 
different  interests,  parties,  forms,  or  policies  in  the  state. 
Seldom  can  this  concurrent  majority  be  held  together  for 
a  wrong  upon  society  itself.  To  resist  by  force  a  major- 
ity or  a  faction  forcefully  subverting  the  government,  is 
not  revolution,  but  the  defence  of  order,  freedom,  and  law. 


NUT  A  RIGHT  BUT  A    GRIME.  41 

A    CASE    IN    POINT. 

By  a  long-practised  usurpation,  and  the  corruption  of 
a  political  majority,  the  slave  aristocracy  gained  control 
of  the  Government  of  the  United  States ;  abrogated  the 
ancient  covenants  of  freedom-;  converted  the  Supreme 
Court  into  an  agent  of  despotism. ;  and  made  the  Con- 
stitution itself,  and  all  the  machinery  of  government, 
the  slave  of  slavery.  "We  met  that  usurpation — how  ? 
By  organized  violence  ?  We  met  it  first  by  moral  resist- 
ance to  the  kidnapper's  law,  standing  upon  the  inde- 
feasible rights  of  conscience,  which  can  never  succumb 
to  wrong.  We  harbored  the  fugitive  and  bore  the  pen- 
alty. We  met  that  usurpation  by  argument  and  appeal 
to  the  judgment  and  the  moral  sense  of  the  nation.  We 
met  it  by  political  organization,  and  measures  for  self- 
protection  and  the  defence  of  liberty.  We  met  it  by  the 
steady  growth  of  intelligence  and  virtue  .in  public  senti- 
ment, waiting  for  a  generation  of  young  men  who  would 
not  be  slaves.  And  then,  at  last,  we  met  it  squarely  in 
the  issue  of  a  Presidential  election  and  triumphed  over 
it,  by  lifting  an  honest  and  true  man  to  the  Executive 
chair.  And  now  we  see  how,  in  all  this,  Divine  Provi- 
dence had  worked  with  and  for  us,  giving  us  in  Mr. 
Lincoln,  His  chosen  instrument  for  the  salvation  of  the 
nation  and  the  emancipation  of  a  race.  But  there  is  no 
stain  of  blood  upon  our  hands ;  there  is  no  cry  of  widows 
and  orphans  in  our  ears ;  there  is  no  line  of  graves  across 
our  path ;  there  is  no  protest  of  outraged  liberty  and 
right  against  us,  for  that  great  moral  and  political  revo- 
lution achieved  by  fidelity  to  truth  and  freedom,  and  by 
patient  continuance  in  well-doing. 

So  will  it  ever  be  with  the  cause  of  Right  under  free 


42  RE  VOL  UTION  A  GAINST  FREE   G  0  VERNMENT 

government.  Nothing  else  ought  to  prevail,  and  this 
surely  will  prevail.  Ke volution  for  a  wrong  is  a  crime. 
Armed  revolution  for  the  right  finds  no  justifying  ne- 
cessity ;  for  I  repeat  it,  that  the  government  is  already 
constituted  for  the  Eight ;  that  society  surely  gravitates 
toward  the  Ei^ht ;  and  that  truth  and  reason  will  win 

C          / 

the  Eight,  unsullied  by  the  smoke,  the  tears,  the  bloody 
anguish  of  war.  Here,  then,  revolution  can  have  no 
footing  and  no  defence. 

THE    CRIME    OF    THE    REBELLION. 

It  follows  from  these  premises  that  the  authors  of  this 
Southern  rebellion  are  guilty  of  a  stupendous  and  un- 
mitigated CRIME — a  crime  that  finds  no  specious  pre- 
cedent in  the  history  of  revolutions,  and  no  pretence  of 
authorization  in  any  right  of  society  or  any  philosophy 
of  the  state. 

This  rebellion  is  an  armed  assault  upon  the  AUTHOR- 
ITY OF  THE  GOVERNMENT  as  constituted  by  regular  pro- 
cedure, under  the  supreme  organic  law  of  our  civil 
liberty.  It  is  therefore  an  insurrection  against  the  order 
of  society,  as  here  instituted  and  regulated  by  the  spirit 
of  freedom.  It  is  impossible  to  evade  this  simple  fact. 
There  is  but  one  lawful  government  possible  in  these 
United  States.  That  government  rests  not  upon  a  com- 
pact or  confederation  of  independent  sovereignties ;  but, 
after  the  failure  of  such  confederation,  the  PEOPLE  of 
the  United  States,  in  their  original  sovereignty,  prescri- 
bed the  mode  of  constituting  and  of  renewing  the  govern- 
ment, and,  if  need  be,  of  amending  it.  The  insurrection 
is  against  GOVERNMENT  as  representing  the  organic  order 
of  a  free  society. 

It  is,  therefore,  an  assault  upon  the  SOVEREIGNTY  OF 


NOT  A  RIGHT   BUT  A   CRIME.  4.3 

THE  NATION,  as  expressed  through  its  constitutional 
forms.  For  what  is  it  that,  in  this  country,  is  represented 
in  the  government?  A  family?  a  house?  a  tribe?  a 
faction?  Nay,  the  majestic  Sovereignty  of  a  Free  Peo- 
ple ;  and  this  the  Kebellion  would  drag  down  and  tram- 
ple under  foot. 

The  rebellion  is  an  assault  upon  the  PKINCIPLE  or 
REGULATED  LIBERTY,  which  is  the  highest  form  of  polit- 
ical freedom.  For  the  ballot-box  and  the  free  popular 
election,  it  would  substitute  armed  dictation  at  the  polls, 
or  a  standing  war  of  factions.  Greater  than  all  questions 
of  public  policy  and  of  social  economy  arising  out  of  the 
war,  is  this  question  of  the  ages :  Shall  a  free  people  be 
governed  by  laws  constitutionally  enacted,  or  by  the  law 
of  the  strongest  and  the  terror  of  the  sword  ?  The  heirs 
of  three  revolutions  that  sprung  out  of  that  very  ques- 
tion, now  see  all  put  in  jeopardy  that  these  revolutions 
had  gained. 

For,  this  rebellion  is  an  assault  upon  ALL  THE  PRINCI- 
PLES AND  INSTITUTIONS  OF  JUSTICE,  HUMANITY,  AND 

FREEDOM  embodied  in  our  national  life,  and  upon  all  the 
hopes  combined  with  it.  It  is  distinctly  a  war  of  civil- 
izations, of  systems  of  social  order — a  war  of  despotism, 
built  upon  the  degradation  of  labor  and  of  man,  against 
freedom,  with  the  school,  the  press,  the  ballot,  the  dig- 
nity of  labor  and  of  man.  I  put  it  to  Earl  Kussell  if  it 
is  a  question,  if  it  can  be  a  question,  whether  such  a  re- 
bellion is  simply  a  great  fact  or  a  great  crime  ?  a  crime 
of  so  deep  a  dye  that  a  son  of  the  English  Eevolution 
should  spurn  all  relations  with  the  people  guilty  of  it. 
A  greater  Englishman  than  Russell,  Mr.  Richard  Cob- 
den,  has  said :  "  This  is  an  aristocratic  rebellion  against 
democratic  government." 


44  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  FREE   GOVERNMENT 

THE    GUILT  OF  ITS  ABETTORS. 

To  palliate  this  rebellion,  to  apologize  for  its  authors, 
is  to  invoke  its  guilt  and  to  share  its  criminality.  The 
issue  it  involves  is  in  no  sense  a  question  of  political 
measures,  parties,  or  policy ;  no  question  of  the  modifica- 
tion of  government  for  the  welfare  of  the  people,  for  any 
right  of  man.  for  any  interest  of  justice  or  humanity.  It 
is  simply  a  crime  against  society,  a  crime  against  free- 
dom, a  crime  against  man.  He  who  would  wink  at  such 
a  rebellion,  who  would  openly  or  covertly  further  it,  can- 
not be  the  friend  of  his  country ;  cannot  be  the  friend  of 
its  Constitution  ;  cannot  be  the  friend  of  liberty.  He 
makes  himself  partaker  in  an  enormous  crime.  To  allow 
the  rebellion  is  to  warrant  the  subversion  of  free  institu- 
tions by  factious  violence ;  to  warrant  an  armed  resist- 
ance to  the  constitutional  judgment  of  the  people.  And 
that,  if  ever  we  are  capable  of  it,  will  be  the  crime  of  na- 
tional suicide,  which  God  will  surety  visit  upon  us,  and 
for  which  there  will  be  no  grave  deep  enough  to  hide 
our  infamy.* 

OUR    DUTY   TO    MANKIND. 

We  are  called  upon,  therefore,  to  annihilate  this  rebel- 
lion, in  the  interest  not  only  of  our  social  order,  but  of 
all  mankind.  Here  at  last  the  right  of  revolution,  to 
which  the  groaning  peoples  of  Europe  cling,  had  wrought 
itself  out  in  the  highest  forms  of  liberty  attainable  by 
man.  Hungary,  Venetia,  Greece,  Poland,  France,  how 

*  The  allowance  of  a  right  of  secession  would  be  equivalent  to  self-de- 
struction. As  Laboulaye  has  said,  "  A  federal  contract  which  may  be 
broken  at  the  pleasure  of  the  confederated  states,  carries  anarchy  and  dis- 
solution within  itself,  for  it  subsists  only  at  the  good-will  of  the  parties, 
and  is  at  the  mercy  of  human  passions." 


NOT  A   RIGHT  BUT  A    CRIME.  4-f> 

terrible  their  penalties  in  abortive  attempts  to  win  popu- 
lar freedom  by  revolution !  How  uncertain  as  yet  the 
riold  of  Prussia,  and  even  of  Italy,  upon  constitutional 
rights  so  dearly  won  !  Here  alone  was  it  seen  that  revo- 
lution in  behalf  of  justice  and  freedom  against  unbear- 
able tyranny,  could  issue  in  a  wholesome,  consistent, 
orderly,  and  stable  Liberty.  And  now,  the  viperous  des- 
potism nursed  upon  our  soil  would  smite  that  Liberty ; 
and  all  the  despots  of  the  earth  are  crying,  "  Smite  it 
down  ;  let  the  people  see  what  comes  of  their  revolutions, 
and  constitutions,  and  republics."  We  stand,  then,  for 
the  suffering  peoples  of  the  earth,  to  prove  that  they  suffer 
and  rise  and  fight  not  for  a  mockery,  but  for  a  grand  and 
imperishable  reality ;  that  Liberty  once  fairly  won,  and 
girded  about  with  institutions  of  justice  and  freedom, 
can  be  shaken  no  more ;  can  stand  against  foes  without 
and  foes  within ;  stand  in  the  might  of  Truth  !  stand  in 
the  heart  of  a  Great  People !  stand  in  the  strength  of 
Almighty  (rod  ! 

We  fight  to-day  for  Poland,  for  Hungary,  for  Venice, 
putting  down  the  crime  of  rebellion  against  Freedom, 
that  their  right  of  revolution  for  freedom  may  stand 
unimpeached  by  our  failure, — may  vindicate  itself  by  the 
finality  of  our  success. 

THE    HOPE   OF    THE   WORLD. 

How  bright  the  future  that  shall  dawn  upon  the  world 
when  this  rebellion  is  effectually  put  down,  and  with  it 
is  put  down  forever  the  pretence  of  revolution  against  a 
free  government !  When  we  finish  this  war,  we  shall 
close  that  chapter  of  human  history.  That  question  set- 
tled, the  political  Millennium  of  mankind  will  have  begun ; 
the  golden  age  of  Reason  and  of  Eight.  Brougham,  in- 


46  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  FREE   GOVERNMENT. 

deed,  has  said,  that  "  mixed  governments  can  exist  only 
by  keeping  alive  the  right  of  resistance."  -  That  is  their 
affair  who  live  under  such  a  government.  But  I  have 
faith  in  a  higher  philosophy  for  the  Kepublic,  a  nobler 
future  for  man.  I  cannot  think  that  human  society  was 
meant  to  rest  upon  a  volcano,  and  to  rock  alternately 
from  despotism  to  civil  war.  I  cannot  think  that  LIBERTY 
must  forever  maintain  a  straggle  for  existence.  Nay,  the 
very  right  of  resistance  from  which  it  sprang,  shall  one 
day  cease  because  all  other  rights  are  gained.  The  sub- 
terranean mutterings  of  revolution  shall  be  hushed  in 
the  grand  organ-swell  of  freedom  and  righteousness  that 
shakes  the  earth  and  fills  the  sky. 

Then  Peace  shall  be  no  more  a  sentiment  upon  the 
lips  of  Philanthropy,  but  the- -normal  condition  of  a  State 
that  has  within  it  no  disturbing  cause— of  a  World  that 
acknowledges  justice  arid  freedom  to  be  established 
against  all  pretence  of  revolution.  Then  war,  seen  to  be 
hopeless  in  the  cause  of  wrong,  shall  no  more  be  de- 
manded by  the  stern  necessity  of  right.  Far  transcend- 
ing the  material  prosperity  and  grandeur  that  we  look 
for,  after  the  war,  will  be  the  triumph  of  these  great 
ideas  ; — that  Liberty  extinguishes  the  right  of  revolution 
by  securing  all  the  rights  of  man,  and  that  it  tramples 
out  Rebellion  in  the  name  and  the  hope  of  humanity. 
"  Then  shall  the  land  be  filled  with  judgment  and  right- 
eousness, and  wisdom  and  knowledge  shall  be  the  sta- 
bility of  our  times."  May  I  but  see  the  dawning  of  that 
day,  when  these  blood-dripping  clouds  are  overpast,  and 
though,  to  further  it  in  my  poor  measure,  I  should  even 
go  down  childless  to  the  grave,  I  will  bless  Grod  to 
leave  to  an  unknown  posterity  the  golden  heritage  wrung 
from  the  mortal  agony  of  this  sublime,  decisive  hour! 


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